WOOLSEY
PAPERS - III
Melancthon
Lloyd Woolsey
A
Memoir
WOOLSEY
PAPERS
Melancthon
Lloyd Woolsey
Lieutenant,
Continental Army
Major,
New York Levies
Brigadier
General, Clinton County
Militia
A
Memoir
Compiled
for His Descendants
By
His Great-grandson
Melancthon
Lloyd Woolsey
Member of The Society
of The Cincinnati, State
of New York, Companion of The Loyal
Legion, Chaplain of The Order of
Lords of Colonial Manors
CHAMPLAIN
Privately
Printed at the Moorsfield
Press
1929
One hundred
and thirty copies
of
this Memoir were
printed by Hugh
McLellan, in the month of
November,
1929. The
sixteenth
production of the Moorsfield
Press. No. ___
Foreword
The
account of a life, comparatively
inconspicuous, such as is
recorded in these pages, can be
of interest to a limited circle
only, that of the descendants of
him who is here portrayed;
perhaps also to local
historians. For
the benefit of such readers it
has seemed to me worth while to
put together the contents of
written records in my hands and
others to which I have had
access.
Grateful
acknowledgment is due, for the
use of many letters, to Mrs.
Valery Havard and Miss Hewit, to
Doctor George M. Boyd, and Mr.
Hugh McLellan; for valuable
suggestions, and pictures of the
Livingston house, to Doctor
William S. Thomas; to Grand
Secretary, Robert Judson
Kenworthy, for information from
Masonic archives; to Miss Helen
Wilkinson Reynolds, for items
from Church records, and to
Judge John H. Booth, for items
from Court records.
M.
Lloyd Woolsey.
South
West Harbor, Maine.
October
18, 1929.
Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey
A
Memoir
Melancthon
Lloyd Woolsey, only son of
Colonel Melancthon Taylor
Woolsey and his wife Rebecca
Lloyd, was born at the Manor of
Queens Village (Lloyds Neck)
Long Island, May 8, 1758. His
father died while on military
duty in the French and Indian
War, September 28 of the same
year.
His
early years were probably spent
at Lloyds Neck, to which his
mother, with this little son and
her two daughters, Rebecca and
Theodosia, retired from Dosoris,
her husband’s estate, on the
death of the latter.
We
have a glimpse or two of his
childhood. His
uncle, Dr. James Lloyd, writes
from Boston, March 28, 1772, to
John Lloyd, Jr., “Tell
Sister
Woolsey that Lloyd is well,
and hope he will go to the
Amory’s1 in a month
or six week's time, when I
don't doubt he will do very
well.” June
8, Henry Lloyd, another uncle,
writes, “Lloyd
Woolsey began his
apprenticeship the 1st of
June.” His uncle James
again, in June, 1773, “My most affectionate
love to Sister Woolsey and her
children. I rejoice to hear
that her son has recovered of
his lameness, but much more to
hear that he is become a sober
thinking lad, and hope that he
may become a comfort to her in
her old age.”
On
attaining the age of fifteen, of his voluntary act” he
constituted his uncle, John
Lloyd, his guardian for the
management of property inherited
from his father, originally
one-half of the latter’s estate.
On
his coming of age this
guardianship was discharged, he
having then received from his
uncle £2500.2
He
entered the American army on the
outbreak of the Revolutionary
War, when only eighteen. To
observe chronological order,
this will be the place to give
an account of his military
service in his own words,
written towards the close of his
life. This
is in a letter to his eldest son
and namesake: addressing a
sailor, in the opening
paragraphs he playfully
introduces some nautical terms.
Cumberland
Head, 3d Feby,
1818.
Dear
Melancthon,
The
day after you left us it began
to grow cold, and Friday,
Saturday & Sunday were the
coldest of any three days in
succession for many years—the
thermometer was from 13 to 20
degrees
below 0 all the time. The lake
has cleared fore & aft at
an earlier day than usual,
tho' later here in the narrow
water than common—it is now
staunch & there is a
throng of travellers in sight
from morning till night.
I
received
your line from Newell with the
delightful box of trout &
thank you kindly. We
were glad to find you had
arrived so seasonably, if you
were off at 7 in the morning
you doubtless reached the
Widow Warrens—then somewhere
about Saratoga on Friday—&
Albany to dine on Saturday
unless the cold was so severe
to impede your progress. Of
this I expect to be informed
to-night by your letter of
Friday coming now on its way
in the mail. I
hope
no inconvenience, or
ill-health from travelling has
happened to your crockery to
arrest you by the way, but
that this evening you will
unlade at Poughkeepsie all
well - 7 days out. We
remain in usual health.
I
did
intend to write to Gen' Brown,
I
have
a confidence in his friendship
both for you, and for myself.
There
seems to be a disposition in
the Government to do something
for those who have done all in
their power for their country.
I
never
had the power to do much, but
I
have
suffered very much. My Father
fell a sacrifice in its
service at the head of a
battalion in September '58,
leaving me only four months
old; before I
was
of age to be accomplished for
any business, the
revolutionary troubles
commenced. When
18 I joined the army as a
volunteer—in the autumn of
despair. I
went thro' the Jerseys with
the remnant of our army, was
with Lee's division when he
was taken, then under Sullivan
joined the Commander in chief
at Newtown in
Pennsylvania—carried my musket
in Glover's Regt at the attack
upon Trenton. In January 17773
was appointed a 1st Lieut. in
Lee's4 Regt., one
of the additional 16
Regiments. Spent part of my
winter at Morristown assisting
Col. Palfrey who was my
particular friend, then
Paymaster Genl—received
a
wound in the attack of a
British foraging party—I think
Genl Dickinson
commanded us—we however took
40 of 50 waggons, a number of
prisoners & horses—was
sent to Gov. Trumbull with
100,000, & then joined my
family at Danbury too lame to
go to my Regt then raising in
Boston, till July. I
however acted as an aid to Gen1
Wooster when Danbury was burnt
& was not ten paces from
him when he fell at Ridgebury.
I
was also aide to Genl
Parsons when Norwalk was burnt
& had my horse killed
under me on the bridge as Col.
Talmadge late of Congress from
Connecticut can testify. In
the December following I
marched a detachment from
Boston to Lancaster where my
men were innoculated for the
small-pox, after which we
joined the army at Valley
Forge & were placed in
advance at the Gulf mills,
where we were constantly on
the alert continually exposed
not only to unremitting
fatigue but disaster and
destruction. When Philadelphia
was evacuated the next June
our Regiment was distinguished
at Monmouth, but had it not
been for the officer who
commanded us (he is dead, I
would tread lightly on his
ashes) we should have reaped a
rich harvest of laurels.
Before passing the Hudson, we
were ordered to the siege of
Newport under Gen' Sullivan,
Genl Greene, the
Marquis of Lafayette, &c.
After the disaster of the
French fleet, it became
necessary to raise the siege.
On
leaving our lines before the
town Genl Pigot
came out & fought us, but
we flogged him. We
were then (our corps in
advance) commanded by Col. H.
B. Livingston of the 4th New
York (in which I had been
appointed an Ensign in June
17765,
but did not accept) as dashing
a hero as ever wore a sword. He
came to witness the siege as a
volunteer. We
had remonstrated to Genl
Sullivan against being
commanded by Col. who we
thought had been bashful at
Monmouth, but the Col. being
the favorite of Genl
Knox, it was arranged so that
he escaped disgrace, but Col.
Livingston being junior, to
save our feelings, we were
placed under his command at
the head of the elite. The
next winter, the three of the
16 — Lee's, Henley's &
Jackson's, which had been
raised in Massachusetts, were
consolidated, there not being
then, men enough in the whole
to make one Regt. Lee
resigned early & never
joined. Henley soon followed
& Jackson had the whole—it
was left to him to select his
officers, four of us from New
York were the first on the
list of derangements—Lieut.
Col. William S. Smith, Capt.
David Van Horne, Lieut. M. L.
Woolsey, & Ensign John
Smith, brother to the Lieut.
Col.
In
the following Spring I married
at Poughkeepsie & was soon
attached to the family of Gov.
Clinton. The
next year7
he gave me a Majority in a
Regt. of Levies raised to
reinforce the army of the U.
States. After
joining the Grand Army near
Dobbs Ferry8,
I was ordered to the
frontier—at Schoharie in Oct.
with 130 men I maintained my
post against John Johnson
& 700 men, half regular,
half savage, & killed him
a number of men. There
was just as much merit in this
defence, except as to
magnitude, as in the defense
of Plattsburgh — we both put
on a good face & that was
about all.
His
report sent a few weeks before
this event showed a slightly
larger force, which however, may
have been diminished by
desertions or otherwise.
Weekly
Return
of the detachments of Foot
Levies of Colo. Graham's,
Colo. Jacob's & Colo.
Brown's Regiments commanded by
Major Woolsey. Schoharie,
September 27th, 1780.
Companies,
Capt.
Lansing, Capt. Muller, Capt.
Foord, Capt. Poole. Capt.
Bogart, Rifleman, Field
Officer, Major, 1.
Commissioned officers,
Captains, 4,
Lieutenants,
6, Staff, Adjutant 1, Qr.
Master, 1, Mate (Surgeon's) 1.
Non-Commissioned
officers,
17. Drum & fife, 7, Rank
& File, 204, with 17 to be
deducted as absent or sick, 2
having
deserted since Last Return,
and 4
joined.9
Mel.
L'd Woolsey, Major10
Concerning
the engagement we have, in the
way of official accounts, brief
statements to be found in the
Clinton Papers. General
Robert
Van Rensselaer writes to Gov.
Clinton from Schenectady, Oct.
18th.11
Dear
Sir, The Letter of which the
inclosed is a Copy was
delivered me this Morning. The
Express
who brought the Letter advises
that Colonel Veeder directed
him to inform Mr. Glen that
150 of the enemy in Addition
to the Number mentioned in his
Letter, were in the upper part
of Schohary……….The Express who
brought Colo. Veeder's Letter
says that Major Woolsey
sallied from his garrison
yesterday and killed five and
took 2
of
the enemy. The prisoners are
British soldiers. I am, very
respectfully, your
Excellency's most obed't
servant
Robt.
V'n Rensselaer.
The
accompanying letter reads:
Lower
Fort Schohary, Oct'r 17th,
1780.
Dear Sir, The Enemy
have burnt the whole of
Schohary; the first fire was
discovered about the middle
Fort 8 O'Clock this morning;
they passed by this post on
both sides at 4 O'Clock this
afternoon; they took the whole
of their booty and moved down
to Harmen Sitney's; they have
fired two swivel shoots thro'
the roof of the church. I
have sent three scouts to make
some discoveries about the
middle Fort at different times
this day and none have as yet
returned; no express has
arrived at this post from
either fort; by what we have
seen of the Enemy we suppose
their force to be between 5 or
600, mostly regulars &
Tories.
V.
Veeder, Lt. Col.
Governor
Clinton repeats this information
in a letter to General
Washington written the next
evening.
During
the remainder of the time until
the cessation of hostilities,
Woolsey was acting as aide to
Governor Clinton, a position of
trust and honor, implying
continued confidence on the part
of the Governor, which is
further indicated in his letter
following, written to Governor
Trumbull of Connecticut, with
regard to a passport.
Po'keepsie,
8th October, 1781.
Dr
Sir, The Bearer, Major Woolsey
whose Mother and family at
present resides in Connecticut
informs me that they left the
principal Part of their
Property on Long Island on
their removal from thence when
the enemy arrived before New
York, that it remains in such
Situation as to afford them
Prospects of securing it could
they obtain passports for
bringing it across the Sound
into your State and that on an
Application lately made to
your Excellency for that
Purpose, you was pleased to
encourage them to hope for
this Indulgence should it meet
with my Approbaton. I am,
therefore, at the particular
Instance of the Major in whose
Patriotism I place Confidence
induced to take the liberty of
signifying my Consent to the
granting of his Request in
such Manner as your Excellency
shall deem proper &
consistent with the public
Interest and safety.
On
the nature of his duties at this
time some light is thrown by a
couple of extracts from the
Clinton Papers.
Saturday
Morning, May 12th. [1781]
Sir,
Ille quern requiris, est
inventunt12—and if
it is your Excellency's desire
may be seen here any time this
morning, I should have brought
him up last night but tho't he
might be discovered as it was
near day; he has some
intelligence tho' not of
immediate importance. I
am with ye greatest respect
your Excellency's Humble
Servant
M.
L. Woolsey.13
One
Solomon Baker being charged as a
spy, a General Court Martial was
held at Poughkeepsie, May 17th,
1781, by order of the Governor,
under the Presidency of Col.
Frear, Mel. L'd Woolsey, Judge
Advocate, P.T.14
Woolsey
had now a wife and child
depending on him.
He had married,15
on the 3d of March, 1779, Alida,
the daughter of Henry
Livingston, Esq., of
Poughkeepsie. One
at
least of his own sisters,
Rebecca, went from Danbury to
Poughkeepsie to attend the
wedding, and on returning wrote
a little account of it to their
cousin, Abigail Lloyd.
The
bride was pretty and of a
proper size to look well by
the side of her partner. She
was dressed in a handsome
brocade gown, with blond lace
kuffs and handkerchief, and
smart modern head, large
enough to please Melancthon. Except
ourselves there was no company
but children, who were all
handsomely dressed, and fill'd
a large roome, after a
sociable dish of tea, just at
candle light the Ceremony was
perform'd, the Bride felt much
but behav'd well, the Bride
Groom I suppose felt as much
of exultation as the next of
his sex. The
next day was devoted to
company, in the morning
gentlemen, in the afternoon
ladies—and all conducted
agreably; we had a very clever
visit of near four weeks.
Like
many another soldier, of the
Revolution, he had sunk his
private fortune, and found
himself practically destitute at
its close.16 His
first efforts to provide a
support for himself and his
family resulted in failure,
although, according to his
showing, through no fault of his
own. To
resume his letter at the point
where we broke off:
After
that I saw no more service
except in Gov. Clinton's
family. By this time my whole
patrimony was gone. It was
chiefly sunk by depreciation,
for it was all in money and
bonds (about $7000) which had
been paid in as the money was
falling—& I actually paid
$160 for a pair of boots, that
had been received instead of
gold and silver—for gold and
silver lent on bond. After
this I engaged in a little
mercantile business &
found credit for a few
thousand dollars & was
doing well. There
was however unfortunately a
quantity of British goods in
my stock. They were goods
smuggled from New York, seized
in Jersey, condemned, sold,
& purchased by Henry Ten
Broeck of Jersey—then bro't
openly into Dutchess County
& openly sold. At
the next session of the
Legislature, soon after my
purchase, I being at Hartford,
Connecticut, to make up an
assortment of groceries, a law
was passed sequestrating all
British merchandise, which
unless deposited in ten days
with a Justice of the peace
& an invoice of the same
left with the Treasurer was
liable to seizure and
confiscation. On my return
from Hartford, my clerk
fearful of consequences had
made a deposit according to
law—my goods remained
sequestered till after the
peace. Judgments
had in the meantime been
obtained against me, & the
very goods which had cost me
£2300, were sold by the
Sheriff for £150. I
was completely ruined &
being unable to compromise was
forced to apply to the
Legislature for a special act
of Insolvency, which I
obtained without difficulty,
& my only consolation was
that I owed them for 700
barrels of flour purchased of
Col. Hay their agent, &
sent by land to Boston. I
however lost the whole by the
failure of Parker &
Cook—Cook is dead—Parker a
Nabob in Europe & is the
same who was concerned with
Comfort Sands, Wm Drew &
others in the speculations in
final settlements.
What
was to be done, I knew not,
but turning my eye to the
Wilderness I supposed I might
starve unseen, or I might
rise, there was a chance.
It
is not easy for us to realize
that this "Wilderness" was the
New York border of Lake
Champlain, that some courage
would be called for in him who
would venture thither to seek a
living and create a home, and
that such a venture would be
regarded by his relatives with
dismay. His mother, writing from
New Haven, April 4th, 1785, to
her daughter Theodosia, in
Boston, says:
My
dear, it is with grate
Reluctance that I must tell
you that this month my only
son and your Brother is a
going to Lake Champlain in
order to repair a Lost fortune
he I fear will go and not let
me see him before he goes he
has nothing left. Mr
Hillhouse seems to be pleasd
that he is spirited to try his
fortune in a new country God
grant that he may be Presarved
and Succeeded. I
find it nesasary for me to
cast it behind my back as much
as possible, and I beg you not
to sorrow over much for the
sorrow of the world worketh
death. I have some prospect of
getting 50£ this month, and
have wrote him he may have it
if he can spear time to come
for it.
Into
the wilderness, without
depriving his widowed mother of
the money offered, he went that
spring, and what he found and
how he fared, he tells in a
letter, opening in a somewhat
flowery style, written to his
brother-in-law, Major Henry
Livingston, in August of the
same year.
From
the deep recesses of the
impenetrable woods, and from
the rushing waters of the
foaming Saranac, Melancthon,
To his Brother, to his friend
Henry, on the verdant banks of
the softly gliding Hudson,
smiles, bows & wishes
Health.
If
thy spirit was with me, it was
not with my spirit on the way
hither, for that remained
behind and never overtook me
till some days after my
arrival here; I sometimes,
when I can reflect, impeach
myself for ingratitude to
Heaven for bearing with so
little fortitude the trifling
inconveniences (or rather
disagreeablenesses)
unavoidably attendant upon
human life—it requires a
greater exertion of the mind
in me to bear with but a
tolerable degree of firmness
this short separation from my
family & friends than it
did in Hercules or Brutus, to
fight a Hydra or slay a
Tyrant.
Your
Epistle Date August 2d was
handed me last evening, &
Atho' you spoiled my supper,
& robbed me of a night's
sleep, I not only forgive, but
am thankful.
News of distant friends
delate the heart and operate
on it, like the softest
vibrations of the most
harmonious Music on the ear,
& did I wish to
compliment, I might add, that
your composition wants nothing
but a Da-Capo to make it
perfectly soniferous.
At
present I have no more soul
than just to animate my Body.
I
lay down & rise up, go out
and come in as any other brute
would do; you would both laugh
at and pity me if you could be
an unobserved observer of my
diurnal walks. I rise rather
before the sun, pull of my
shirt, and put on a frock of
coarse oznaburgs, wash, drink
half a glass of strong bitters
(Peruvian) the people go to
work, I, to cooking, Breakfast
ready I call them in, that
eaten, I prepare dinner, wash
dishes, scower pails &ca
every other day I go out with
them (having cooked for two
days) & labour with
unremitting diligence, till
the bright luminary of day
glides down the western
horizon & goes to roost
behind the distant hills, then
indulge in one drink of grog,
smoak one pipe, sigh for home,
& retire.
But
humble and hard as these
employments are, they
administer many comforts
unknown in a life of indolence
and dissipation. For the
present they strengthen the
body, give sound sleep, whet
the appetite and exclude a
thousand Mental intruders. I
know them to be the Basis on
which my future Ease,
Independence and Honors must
rise ; I see in a Period of
time not very distant, my
children happily and
competently Provided for, I
see a number of delightful
farms, under the highest state
of cultivation and improvement
rising round me, I see my
business conducted with order
and regularity, I see myself
so free from the bondage of
the World, that I need not
stoop to what is mean, or
commit what is criminal; in a
situation to afford relief to
the distressed; and enjoying
in the fullest luxuriance the
principles of Charity,
Benevolence and hospitality;
Company and retirement
succeeding at proper
intervals, and with my own old
Doll, enjoying compleat
satisfaction in our happy
retreat.
You
ask me for a Historical,
Biographical & natural
account of this new world — it
is not in my power to give you
either His-story you must do
without, and wait till winter
for My-Story
—Biographical—There are no
characters here that would do
honor to human Nature should
they be drawn, except that of
my friend the Judge, and it is
best to leave behind the veil
such as would disgrace it; Not
but that there are many in our
society who possess some
Virtues — but they are all
either Negative or Mechanical.
This
Township when it comes to be
improved will be one of the
most delightful situations in
the World, the soil is rich
indeed, and the gradual,
almost imperceptible, rize of
the land from the shores
westward, will admit of your
seeing the Lake, Grand Isle,
& the distant Mountains of
Vermont at the distance of
seven miles from the Lake. Since
I have been here I have not
seen Indian, Wolf, Bear,
Moose, Deer, Fox, Raccoon,
Wild-cat, Pole-cat, Weazel,
Martin or Squirrel — I have
seen Patridges, Pidgeons &
Wild Ducks, (“I've found where
the Wood Pidgeons breed.”) The
natural Productions of the
soil are chiefly Maple, Beach,
Basswood, & also
Butternut, a few Oak, &
rarely -- white Walnut trees,
some Birch, Elms, & Poplar
— no Chestnut or Sassafras. Shrubs,
the principal are White and
Red Currants, Goosberries,
Whortle-berries (among the
Pines) Hops, Ginseng,
Sarsaparilla, Snake-root,
Coltsfoot &ca.
The Waters abound with fish of
the best kind.
The
settlement of the country must
from Necessity be very Rapid,
there are as many at least as
300,000 acres of land, already
patented, & which must
have a family to every 500
acres within three years, or
be forfeited. We sell lands at
present, for the encouragement
of settlers at 8/ pr acre,
Gilfillan sells from 20/ to
37/4 & as soon as we
obtain our Number, we shall
sell none under those prices,
the Mills and Iron Works will
promote the settlement here —
the cole for the consumption
of the Iron Works will
considerably more than pay for
clearing the land.
I
have seen Melanethon L.
Woolsey go with four Men into
a thick and heavy Wood, Build
a house 21
feet
square, get two thousand
shingles, cover the house, pay
for the Nails in labour, cut a
road more than a Mile, dig a
Well, & clear eight acres
of land in eleven days, I have
seen his hands blistered and
bleeding, and still grasp the
axe helve as the only ointment
that could perform a cure, and
thro' all enjoying perfect
health — Thank Heaven.
I
have practiced both Physick
& surgery here with
success & have received
four dollars for my services,
which is as much as I brought
onto the ground with me. My
fever-and-ague Plaisters I
sell at 8/ including the
Vomit, previously
administered. Out of twenty
one families, at present I do
not know of one sick person.
Our
Water is as good as possibly
can be—in no place we need dig
more than 10 feet. I somewhat
expect to raise a Barn this
fall, but as the saw mill is
not yet up (we raise it next
week) can not cover it. One
of 48 pr 36 will be compleated
under £40. I
shall draw a sufficiency of
Logs for my boards before I
quit for both barn &
house, I have contracted for
my shingles at 14/pr thousand.
I intend a story & a half
high with a Piazza, the plan I
enclose, of half the house.
Much
may (at present) be done here
with but little money, a fine
Country remains yet
unappropriated, which may be
obtained, from three pence to
2/ pr acre. I wish Beekman had
come with me, Robert has
neither strength nor energy
sufficient— the fatigues would
kill him, but Beekman could
stand them, he need only
explore the Country, make the
locations, & sell at once
for 1000 pr ct advance; if I
had possessed £400 this spring
should on the most moderate
low testimony in two years
been worth as many thousands.
The
present is the time for the
young and the unfortunate to
secure independence and
competence, if not affluence.
Amongst
other good things, we expect
to settle a Minister soon, a
Mr. Sill, uncle to the Major,
he has been with us a few
weeks & thinks seriously
of removing here next spring,
300 acres of land in fee
simple, 260 for life, and 30
guineas a year is the offer
made him—I think by no means a
despicable one, for this
place.
I
have been unfortunate in
losing Bush's services. I have
only Michael now, however hope
to sow five or six bushels of
wheat yet & have 10 or
12
cut down
& corn next year. I have
only one anxiety, that is,
that Dolly will refuse to
come, but all I wish is, to
make my family happy, & if
I can do it, I shall
chearfully submit to every
hardship or inconvenience, but
it is a great pity that such
prospects should be blasted,
when there is such a family
rising.
You
know who I love, tell them so.
Adieu. God bless and shield
you is the prayer of thy
friend
Mel.
Ld Woolsey
Plattsburgh,
August 19th & 20th, 1785.
The
letter to his son, sections of
which have already been quoted,
gives more accounts of his
labors and of a measure of
success following.
I
came here & when I landed
was £5 worse than nothing. I
hired half the mills, I sawed
boards, I drew logs, I tended
the gristmill by night &
by day—I worked hard and slept
sound—as the country was
settling & I the only man
who could draw a deed, I had
all the conveyancing—Two
dollars was the price of a
deed.
I bought 100 acres of
land on cr. @ 5/.
There was no money, my
fees were paid in labor on the
land.
After two years I moved
on to it & kept adding
till I had 400, a good barn
& a snug little house. The
county of Clinton was
organized, I was made the
clerk.
That office gave $50
per year. I worked all day
& did my recording at
night—in 6 or 8 years & so
up to 18 it gradually
increased up to perhaps 300
dollars.
I
was also, by Genl.
Washington who knew me and
unsolicited by me appointed
Collector & held the
office 16 or 17 years. This
was never worth 500 a year,
but putting all together I was
able to do something for my
children & live decently.
I had accumulated in lands,
stock, buildings &c a
property worth about $12,000.
The
deed of the land on which he
settled is the first one on the
records of the County Clerk's
office of Clinton County.
It was entered by
himself; a deed dated September
27, 1785, for one hundred acres
on Cumberland Head from
Zephaniah Platt to Melancthon
Lloyd Woolsey, acknowledged
before Gilbert Livingston as
Notary Public. The house which
he built there is still
standing, although considerably
altered.
Of
a contented life during these
years, the following letter to
his brother-in-law, Robert H.
Livingston, gives evidence.
Octr.
12th, 1792.
Judge
Platt will tell you all about
our Country and ourselves.
I believe he has a
regard for both, this will
naturally lead him to show the
fair side of the picture. The
wants of man are never to be
satisfied, & this
reflection should teach us to
be always so.
We can look down on
many, up, on few—let us then
be thankful for a middle
state.
When
I consider seriously the
Changes I have seen, all my
gratitude is but a trifling
tribute, unworthy the
acceptance of infinite
goodness.
To
close without mentioning your
worthy departed friend Judge
Tappan would perhaps be
improper.
I can only say we
lament; and wish it was in our
power to soothe the
afflictions of his very
worthy, disconsolate family.
My
Alicia joins me in most
Affectionate regards to your
Catharine, her family, and
yours.
Any
attention to your
father-in-law's property in
this Country—any Assistance or
service that I can render will
be done chearfully —you will
therefore command freely.
If
you can turn my Sleigh into
clover Seed, and send it by
Pitt, next winter—do it.
Good
night, my dear brother Bob. A
very good night, my Sister
Kate.
Association
with the relatives in
Poughkeepsie continued as the
years passed. Ten years later
he is writing:
My
wife declines her visit to
Poughkeepsie till she sells
her lot at the River, She has
got to be devilish proud &
will not go till her pockets
are lined with chink, then she
will dash away at plate,
looking glasses &
furniture17. I wish
you and Bro. Gilbert would try
to sell it for her.
I swear there never was
a Wife who deserved to be
gratified more than she does.
In case of a sale she
will come in the summer.
As
the new century opens, the
movements of his son, then
entering on his career as an
officer of the Navy, become an
absorbing topic in his letters.
He writes to his brother-in-law
in the letter just quoted,
January 4th, 1802:
I
received your letter on your
return from New York giving me
the information of the great
Progress the Boston had made
in her Passage by the last
account received, for which I
thank you. I see also by the
News Papers that She
experienced a severe Gale
& proved Staunch, which
must be very satisfactory to
her Crew after having been on
the Rocks.
Prudence
is a requisite in a Commander
as Fortitude, it was a
damnable crime in Capt. Me
Neil, contrary to the opinion
of all his own Officers, to go
to sea without a thorough
examination of the Vessel,
& lessens him exceedingly
in my esteem.
I hope Our Boy will get
into some of the other Ships
on his arrival in the
Mediterranean, probably it is
to be expected, from the great
number of officers that went
out, four Lieutenants &
fourteen Midshipmen—two of the
former & six of the latter
more than a complement—likely
to supply deficiencies in the
Squadron, from Deaths,
resignations, &c. I
have written to him on the
Station by Government dispatch
boat, which will probably be
Capt. Sterrett. His Laurens,
Bob, are equal to any we read
of.
Again,
on April 5th of the same year:
If
he is desirous of remaining,
he will doubtless be
gratified—some young men will
be glad to exchange with him
& if service will intitle
him (and it will) to promotion
I think he is right to hunt
it. I
have been favored by the
Secretary of the Navy with
information that of the 150
midshipmen retained in service
only 29 have older Warrants
than M. but that Promotion
will not follow rank of dates
but Merit—that M. stands high
in Estimation, having been
represented to that department
as the most active,
circumspect, bold and diligent
warrant officer on board the
Adams; some compliments were
also paid to his manners &
breeding. . . . Bobby, you and
I are both proud of that
Boy—Heaven preserve him, may
he be good & great.
Politics
also, especially as he was an
office-holder, came in for a
share of attention. Thus in the
same letter:
Offices—I
don't know. I am sick of my
Country—she is falling down. I
have wrote to Gilbert, you
will see the letter, I don't
know what to do, I fear I
can't hear from him in time,
tho' as yet I don't see that
the Law of incompatibility has
passed. The
old Turk has been much my
friend, I am not deceived—it
is N. Platt's party that try
to injure me, but I shall be
too much for them. I tell you
now that I will put Sailly
into the assembly at next
Election—they want Mooers or
Tredwell—they shall see that
they can not rule the roost.
No nominations have yet been
made but I have wrought in
secret, & arranged a
combination that will crush
their hopes this year. Sailly
has been indefatigable in my
favor—what a friend he is! he
is a Republican—no demoncrat.
Shortly
after this, unpleasant
differences arose over the
settling of the estate of his
wife's father. Writing to his
brother-in-law, he sets fourth
his version of a matter in which
he might have felt himself
aggrieved, but says
For
my own part, Robert, if I
could answer it to my
children, I would sink to the
infernal centre every sou I
have or ought to have from
your good old father's Estate,
if it might be the means of
restoring the ancient &
lovely harmony of the family.
I
had been informed of the
expiration of the bonds of
submission without anything
being affected, & I was
sorry to hear it—because I
considered it the best means
of closing a shameful breach
& with the least
publicity. That justice would
follow, I had no doubt—the
Gentlemen who were to award,
from respect to the family,
would feel an interest in
healing differences, as well
as adjusting claims, & I
declare to you, it is a mode I
would pursue in preference to
any other, even a private
compromise; for I do insist
that no man can be a competent
Judge in his own case—it is
nature to be swayed by
interest & blinded by
passion—both are parties in
the present contention. And,
when a discreet and
disinterested as well as
secret determination can be
had, Virtue & honor (in my
opinion) both command it18....
I feel no abatement of
Affection, no spark of
animosity—& I am
determined not to feel it in
any event. The subject is
disagreeable—lets quit it.
As
if in proof of this declaration
of good will, the letter
concludes with an invitation:
I
hope your Kate will recover
her wonted health, if she
could persuade you to bring
her here on a Visit she would
be cured. Give
our loves to her, the Children
and all the Circle of kindred.
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A
very warm friendship existed
between him and Judge Pliny
Moore, appointed Justice of the
Court of Common Pleas, and a
Justice of the Peace in 1788,
and living at the neighboring
village of Champlain. To
him he wrote, Jan. 21,
1800:
My
house is now finished,
commodious & comfortable.
Nothing
would be more agreeable than
to make welcome in it Mrs.
Moore and the Judge for a
week.
They
exchanged many communications on
the subject of politics, which
seem to have been waged with
considerable bitterness. The
side taken by them may be
gathered from a previous
quotation, also from one taken
from a letter to Judge Moore
of April 20,
1800:
An
incorrigible spirit of
democracy has held its course
in the place for many years,
and the want of union among
the Federalists is the only
reason why it has not been put
down.
In
1809, after the victory of
Federalists in the elections, he
wrote for his daughter-in-law an
enthusiastic description of the
local celebration; a copy of the
letter, preserved among Judge
Moore's papers, here follows.
C.
Head,
Friday morning.
Dear
Eunice
I
have but a moment—therefore
expect a dull narrative. You
have heard of our intentions
to celebrate the return of
commerce &c. "The
Independent Americans"
advertised for thursday
inviting All of that
character—as soon as the
notice was published,
Confusion appeared in the
Democratic Ranks—the result of
a canvas was—“Republican
Virtue triumphant” &
notice for rejoicing to all
the “Friends of the
Administration” to celebrate
the patriotic stand made by
the late majority in Congress,
whereby a prospect
of peace &c— anticipating
us one day (fearing I suppose
the fatal news which they
expected, by the mail.) We
fixed thursday on purpose to
have the state of our Election
ascertained—the result is as
it could be wished. They
mustered about 50 at
Nichols'—their toasts we have
not yet got—they eat and drank
—paraded Brook's Company &
in the evening procession
which paraded the streets had
27 citizens headed by Mr.
Sailly—some with shouldered
brooms
&c—Grotesque—silly—Ridiculous.
Wednesday morning
we sent for Mr Lyon—he came at
evening, we gave him for his
text psalm 126, ver. 3d
"The
Lord hath done great things
for us." We
assembled at Greens at 12—a
gun for a signal—marched in
procession to the Court house
where we were entertained with
good singing, the best prayer
I ever heard, & an
excellent discourse—at the end
of the service, another gun
& returned in the same
order,
Vizt.—Artillery—Music—Orator
supported by Deacon Platt one
of the Committee of
arrangement — 4 members of the
Committee—Ladies—federal
citizens 2 & 2 about
150—no democrat with us but Mr
Halsey, who came into church
near the close of the sermon.
We
sat down to the best table
ever laid at Mr.
Greens—excellent indeed—107 in
number—Woolsey President, W.
P. Platt V. Presdt.-3
sub vice Pts,
Peabody, Gilliland &
Marsh. Mr
Lyon gave the benediction.
Toasts—
1 The U.
S., strong in their Union—a
glorious prospect of their
continuing free &
Independent.
2 James
Maddison—President of the U.
S.
3c The
State of N. Y. In her new
attitude, like the Sun
emerging from a black
cloud—her refulgence is
doubled.
4 The
Occasion—May our prospects of
Peace be realized.
5 The Independent
Electors of Clinton &
Franklin—they have acted like
Americans & worthy of
themselves.
6 The
Constitution of the U. S.—the
bulwark of our Independence.
It has been assailed by the
Storms of faction, but
preserved by the spirit of
"Independent Americans."
7c
The 17th, 18th, & 19th
April—Three days worth more to
the Union than the three
preceeding years—Note these
were the days in which Mr.
Smith & Mr Erskine settled
the nation.
8c
Timothy Pickering—The Patriot
& Statesman—The shafts of
Calumny & detraction have
assailed him in vain.
9c
Jonathan Trumbull—a star in
the east—whither the wise men
will go to learn.
10
National honour supported by
National Justice.
11 Washington
& Hamilton—Their monuments
are in the bosom of every
Independent American.
I2c
Solomon Van Rensselaer —
Undeniable testimony of his
worth is recorded on the
minutes of the last Council.
"He'd rather be a dog &
bay the moon" than yield to
proffered terms.
13 Peace with
England—Truth & Justice
have at length prevailed over
domestic faction & french
influence—thanks to the
minority in Congress.
14c
The Majority in our present
assembly—the minority in the
last.
15 The
Navy—&c.
16 Commerce—May a
part of its Revenues be
allotted for its protection.
17 Our fellow
Citizens who assembled
yesterday at Don Caleb's
Cheapest Tavern—“The first
shall be last, & the last
first.” Volunteer
by the President.
The
Spanish
Patriots (& their Allies)
May they always be able to
Beard* the french, & never
want a Hope† to obtain full
satisfaction for all their
injuries, and More§.
A
number of other Volunteers
& a Gun to all the
Standing toasts, those marked
C 3 cheers—No 9 had
9 cheers—appropriate music.
* Genl. Sir
David Baird †Genl.
Hope
§Genl. Sir
John More, who fell.
As soon as the toasts were
finished the following song
(composed instanter) was sung
by Woolsey Gilliland and
Wright standing on the table.
Tune—Enter'd
Apprentice
Come
let us prepare
We
Fed'rals that are
To
celebrate Madison's glories;
His
virtue has made
Us,
peace & free trade
In
spite of the frenchmen &
tories.
2
At
Pickering's name,
Each
son will proclaim
'Twas
Washington's
mantle he wore.
Bay'rd,
Hillhouse & Lloyd
Will
never avoid
The
cause well supported by Gore.
3
Our
Barent shall rise
In
fame to the skies,
How
rapid his glorious course'
No
Demo can name
A
blot in his fame,
Not
a Campbell, a mule or a horse.
4
The
Hills of Vermont
Stand
bold in the front
While
York her strong column
displays;
Connecticut
flanks
Their
Veteran Ranks—
The
States in the east shout their
praise.
5
Then
join hand in hand
By
our Country firm stand
And
liberty yet we may boast.
We
studied our Rules
In
Washington's schools—
Once
more let His Name be our
Toast.
After
the song—Washington—&
about 30 cheers. We then
dispersed & after sunset
our procession
formed—Cannon—Music Clarionet,
Violin, Drum fife-2 of the
Committee, about 40 Ladies
-2 of
the Committee—about 250
citizens—marchd up
to Roberts' & gave 1 gun
& 3 cheers to the "Triumph
of federalism"—returning, Mr.
Griffins house illuminated—a
Gun & 3 cheers “to the
triumph &c.” Ransoms
house illuminated—the same
when we got back to Greens the
front Windows exhibited more
than 300 lights, in the center
window of the Ball room was an
elegant portrait of Washington
(in transparent painting)—over
his head—“Federalism
Triumphant”—on one side “Peace
with England”—under the
Bust—Washington & below
the Eagle with a crescent of
17 stars—this exhibition had
been kept secret, and the
throng was drawn off while it
was prepared, to make the
surprise the greater—the
effect was delightful—Major
Platts & Dr Hoosick's
houses illuminated—each had a
gun & cheers—we then
saluted our beloved fathers
Shade with 17 guns &
innumerable cheers—the lights
were soon extinguished—the
floor swept, the lights—the
room aired & I left them
beginning the joyous dance—the
sons & daughters of
democracy crept out after dark
to behold, what they could not
but respect, & could not
imitate—they are down &
dejected. If
another
opportunity presents, I will
send you
20
anecdotes.
Farewell—give all our
loves—kiss my baby &
accept this little offering as
a pledge of my love to you.
In
addition to the offices of clerk
of Clinton County and Collector
of Customs at Plattsburgh, it
appears that he was also chosen
Surrogate of Washington County19.
He does not mention this in the
letter to his son, and probably
did not serve. He
was chosen by his
fellow-townsmen of Plattsburgh
to other positions, as Assessor
in 1793, and Trustee of a
“Lancasterian” School, opened in
1816, and was honored with
offices in the church.
In
the militia, after the war, he
appears as Lieut Colonel
Commandant of Clinton County
troops. Again,
“Aug. 27, 1798, His
Excellency, the Commander in
chief, having thought proper
to form the militia of the
County of Clinton into a
brigade; therefore, Resolved,
that Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey
be, and he is hereby appointed
brigadier-general thereof.”
This
rank he held until Jan. 28,
1803, when he resigned. But
at the time of the second war
with Great Britain, there was
formed at Plattsburgh a new
Company (Thirty Sixth Regiment
of Infantry, N.Y.S.) under the
name of “Veteran Exempts,”
Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey,
Captain20—he being
then fifty-four years of age. In
preparation for the conflict, he
exercised such activities as
were open to him, such as
helping to erect a fortification
at Cumberland Head. As the
coming of soldiers must be
arranged for, he wrote to Judge
Pliny Moore at Champlain, Dec.
13, 1812,
You
will probably have a
detachment of the U. States
troops as soon as the militia
move. I shall want to contract
for Wood & Straw—1 1/3
cords for 8 men for a Month
& 18 lb straw for 2
men
16 days then to be refreshed
with 8 lb & at the end of
16 days more, the whole new. Will
you make proposals, there will
probably be at least 100 men,
perhaps 130 & 6
Officers—they will occupy the
Blockhouses.
To
the same, Jan. 4, 1813.
The
detachment mentioned in my
last has unexpectedly arrived
this morning, 100 Men under
the Command of Capt
Mulenbergh. ....You will
please Sir to furnish the
straw wanted, on the
requisition & receipt of
the Commanding Officer. Your
son [Noadiah Moore] having
offered the Wood at 10/ please
request him to provide the
necessary quantity on similar
requisition & receipts.
...I have called for all
public horses to be called in,
conformably to a General Order
of the Commander in Chief
& shall advertise next
Friday that no allowance will
be made for Keeping after a
short day subsequent to the
Notice. They
are
all to be sent to Jay—to be
wintered at 6/ a head. A
Young Gentleman near you has
one that he says he will not
give up. I
think he had better reconsider
& send him.
Having
reached this point, would that
the rest of this story might be
an account of closing years
spent in comfort and
tranquility. But
on the contrary it is that of a
series of misfortunes befalling
him in his latter years. He
was writing at the age of sixty,
doubtless prematurely aged
through labors and hardships. His
narrative continues with the sad
account of many troubles and
concludes with an appeal, made
through his son, for some
consideration to be extended to
him by those in authority.
In
1809 after my utmost exertions
to accomplish the views of
Government in the execution of
the embargo system, others
wanted my office. If they had
had meritorious claims I would
be silent—they had none. The
clerkship was given to old
Charles Platt, who was a knave
ab initio & never did his
country a day’s service. There
being
no resource, I supported the
expense of the district by
loans from the Vermont banks
& they were occasionally
refunded by the Secretary, but
when I was dismissed, there
was due from me in my own Cr.
about $3000 —I had more due
from the public. I
rendered my accounts promptly,
but was kept three years out
of my balance. In
January, 1812, I received
about $2200, in April
following about $900 & now
in Dec. 1817, $468.14—&
all without interest. In
the meantime I have been put
to more than $1000 cost; my
estate has been sold by
Vermont (before I received my
money) and given to Com. McDonough,
God bless him. Vermont
have not yet redeemed their
bills & so have swindled
all who touched them. My
place was estimated at $6000.
I
owed them $3000, they bought
it for $1000 & have asked
me for the balance—but I
believe they give that up.
When I was collector, the
salary was first $100, after a
few years it was raised to
$250—when I was turned adrift
& Mr Sailly was appointed,
it was raised to $500, &
the office has been worth
(probably) some years to him
$5000. I
have now nothing left but my
house & 50 acres which
cannot support me. I
am 3 or 400 dollars in debt,
old, infirm, incapable of work
& soon to be a beggar.
Disloyalty
was never laid to my charge. True,
I loved Washington better than
Jefferson, Lewis, better than
Tompkins, & here I fell. Two
years of the late war, 13
& 14, my little grounds
were occupied by the army
& I suffered much. Col.
Smith who occupied under Gen'.
Hampton & Capt De Russy of
the Engineers under Genl.
Izard and did much of the
damage have apprized it, under
oath, have stated it at $1050,
besides the troops in those
two years stole from me above
80 sheep, 17 hogs, 43 geese, 200
fowls
—several (all) my bee
hives—all my fruit, my
potatoes & my gardens. I
can as yet get nothing. I
have confidence in the
President both as a man &
as the Supreme Magistrate, in
his justice & in his
benevolence & I love him
as the father of the Nation,
as a great & good man.
I
have thought it better as you
are so near Genl.
Brown that you should state my
case to him, than to trouble
him with a letter —by his
representations to the
President, something might be
done for me, consistent with
the rules of Right. Some
little
appointment that would give me
the pay & emoluments of a
Capt. would make the
remainder—the small remainder
of my life easy—but I should
desire no military rank to be
attached to it. I
cannot, on the established
principle apply for a pension,
& I feel a repugnance to
it. I
want to do something for my
bread—a quid pro quo. I
can desire nothing for myself,
unless the half pay, with a
retrospect as to time, should
be granted—then if I could
come in as a Major it would
set me up. I
have spent much for &
given much to, the army &
I have the regard & esteem
of all its gallant officers
who knew me—but on these I
shall soon starve.
He
mentions an ulcer on his
leg—possibly it resulted from
his old wound—and a cancer in
the temple, which, with other
bodily ailments,
Will
probably prevent my being long
a burthen to my country,
friends, or to myself.
So
far I have stated facts,
others must judge of them. If
the claims are good I hope
they may be regarded, but bad
as my case at present is, I
ask nothing that would not be
extended to another in
like circumstances. I never
desired to fatten on the
poductions of fraud or the
honest labors of others. I
never desired when I had a
morsel to eat it alone—Nor did
I grudge what Providence put
it in my power to bestow. You
may possibly have it in your
power to write me so as to
receive an answer before your
return, after communicating
with Genl. Brown.
I
make this communication
through you to him in the
fullest confidence in his
honor and friendship.
One
thing could be provided that a
Navy Agent for this Lake or
both Lakes should be appointed
(as the legal commissions of
such would be inadequate) with
the pay & emoluments of a
Master Commandant or even a
Lt. Commandant—it would be the
very thing. It is too far from
New York, for the
superintendance of that agent
& in my opinion such an
appointment would be proper. I
should then be always at home,
either at your house or mine.
Present
my respectful remembrances to
Genl. Bloomfield,
Mr Pitkin, Genl.
Brown, Palmer, Storrs, Tingay,
Porter, Decatur, Wharton
&c.
Ever
yours
Mel.
Ld Woolsey.
His
premonition of having but a
short remaining term of life was
verified. In
a letter written from Sacketts
Harbor, July 8, 1819, to Judge
Pliny Moore, of Champlain, his
son, Commodore M.T. Woolsey,
tells of having gone to
Plattsburgh to bring back with
him his father and mother, and
his sisters, Susan and Cornelia.
Their route was via
Saratoga Springs, G.
Aloiway, Johnstown, Laselles,
Salisbury—stopping there for a
day at the home of Beekman
Livingston— last of all reaching
Trenton, “where
my Father gave out completely.
Fortunately we were surrounded
by the most genteel and
benevolent families—and the
best medical aid within call.”
He
himself was obliged to go on to
Sacketts Harbor, but writes that
Mrs. Hubbell, (a daughter) came
to Trenton for one or two days
and Mr and Mrs Borland, (another
daughter), from Boston for a
week. His
father died June 28, and was
buried at Trenton21.
“My Mother and Sisters were the only
members of our family to
follow him to the grave.”
His widow
long survived him, making her
home first with her son and his
family, and in later years with
her daughter, Mrs James Platt,
at Oswego,
where she died July 12, 1843,
at the age of 85.
What
were the guiding principles and
some of the personal traits of
General Woolsey (as he was
commonly called) will appear
from the perusal of his letters.
The enduring confidence and
esteem shown him by Governor
Clinton speaks for itself; as
does his standing among his
fellow-citizens.
He
was a member of the Masonic
Order. The records of Solomon's
Lodge of Poughkeepsie have the
following entries:
New
by-laws adopted Aug. 5,
1772, signed by 21
members among
them Mel. Ld Woolsey.
Jan.
2, 1782, Election.
Melancthon Woolsey elected
Junior Warden.
Minutes
St.
John's Day, Dec. 27, 1782.
Visitors, Brother George
Washington, Commander in
Chief, Brothers Woolsey and
Graham.
Dec. 26, 1784.
Melancthon L. Woolsey
elected Master.
In
a petition for the establishment
of a Lodge at Plattsburgh, dated
May 6, 1801, he, as a Past
Master, was suggested for its
first Master.
This petition was
seconded by Solomon's Lodge of
Poughkeepsie, May 22. “We
cheerfully comply with their
wishes as Brethren and more
especially feel interested
when we reflect that Brother
Woolsey has once filled the
Master's Chair of Solomon's
Lodge with singular brightness
and has ever sustained an
irreproachable character both
as a Man and a Mason.” For
some reason which does not
appear a charter under this
petition did not materialize;
but another petition, dated
Sept. 30, 1806, the list of
signers being headed by Mel. Ld.
Woolsey, Past Master, was
granted, establishing Clinton
Lodge of Plattsburgh.22
It
may be of interest to some of
his descendants to know about
his religious affiliations. His
mother's family, with whom his
early life was spent, were
earnest adherents of the Church
of England.
His wife being of the
Dutch Reformed faith, their
marriage was solemnized by the
minister of that Church at
Poughkeepsie, and the baptisms
of the four children born there
are likewise entered on the
records of that church.
Yet he signed a
subscription list in 1784 for
the support of a Rector for
Christ Church in the same city
and to a fund to pew the church,
and was a pew-holder and
vestry-man, the parish records
showing that he attended the
vestry-meetings with regularity23.
On
removing to Plattsburg, where
there was no Episcopal Church
until 1821, the family attended
Presbyterian worship.
Woolsey's name appears
among the six Trustees chosen
when the Presbyterian church was
organized in 1792.
In April, 1816, he was
set apart as one of the Elders24
under the new pastor, Rev.
Nathaniel Hewitt, who was
settled at Plattsburgh for three
years.
This connection was
doubtless an agreeable one, for
Mr Hewitt was married, Sept 26,
1816, to Rebecca Woolsey
Hillhouse of New Haven, General
Woolsey's niece.
In
1816, the Clinton County Bible
Society was organized, with
Pliny Moore, of Champlain as
President, and seven Directors,
of whom Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey
was one.25
He
wrote to Judge Pliny Moore,
Sept. 18, 1818,
Have
you any poor people [at
Champlain] unprovided with
bibles, & unable to Supply
themselves? If so, how many in
your town? If any, and you
will be so good as to
distribute them, I will send
you a proportion of the number
required, out of a small
supply sent to my care for
gratuitous distribution by the
Bible Society of Connecticut.
I will now send you six by
your son, & will await
your commands in regard to a
further supply.
I
am dear sir, very
Affectionately,
Your
sincere friend & obed't
servant
Mel.
Ld Woolsey
60
